Answer

The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), formed in 1997, connects South and Southeast Asia through regional collaboration. With the 6th Summit in Bangkok (2025), BIMSTEC is refocusing on trade, connectivity, and security, reflecting its growing relevance amid shifting geopolitical alignments in the Indo-Pacific.

Evolution of BIMSTEC in South Asia

• Initial Bridging Role: BIMSTEC was envisioned as a bridge between SAARC and ASEAN, connecting South and Southeast Asia for trade, transit, and cooperation.
  For example: It included countries like India, Bangladesh, and Thailand to leverage both South Asian and Southeast Asian markets, enhancing regional synergy beyond SAARC’s limits.
  
• Shift After SAARC Stagnation: Following the India-Pakistan fallout post-2014, BIMSTEC gained renewed relevance as India pivoted away from a paralysed SAARC.
  For example: India began emphasizing BIMSTEC in its regional policy after Pakistan blocked SAARC initiatives, especially post-Uri attacks in 2016.
  
• Post-COVID Revival: The 6th Summit marked a revival, overcoming pandemic disruptions and regional disasters to reaffirm cooperation across multiple sectors.
  For example: Despite the Myanmar-Thailand earthquake, leaders convened and adopted ‘Vision 2030’, showcasing resilience and shared goals.
  
• Expanding Focus Areas: BIMSTEC has evolved from economic cooperation to include disaster management, transport connectivity, and counter-terrorism, addressing multifaceted regional needs.
  For example: The India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway project aims to connect India’s Northeast to Southeast Asia, boosting trade and mobility.
  
• Institutional Development: The group is progressing towards institutional mechanisms such as a BIMSTEC FTA, customs agreements, and a chamber of commerce.
  For example: The Vision 2030 document adopted at the summit outlines a roadmap for economic integration and streamlined regional trade policies.

Differences in Challenges Compared to SAARC

• Absence of Pakistan: BIMSTEC benefits from not including Pakistan, avoiding the India-Pakistan rivalry that often stalls SAARC’s functioning.
  For example: SAARC summits have been postponed or cancelled due to bilateral tensions, such as the 2016 Islamabad summit blocked by India.
  
• Geopolitical Consensus: BIMSTEC nations often share greater strategic alignment, unlike SAARC where divergent foreign policies often lead to deadlock.
  For example: BIMSTEC members broadly support India’s Act East Policy, while SAARC saw resistance to India-led initiatives due to Pakistan’s opposition.
  
• Limited Historical Baggage: BIMSTEC has fewer historical conflicts among member nations, allowing for smoother diplomatic and economic negotiations.
  For example: While SAARC members like India and Pakistan share a history of wars, BIMSTEC countries like Nepal, Bhutan, and Sri Lanka enjoy stable ties.
  
• Functional Over Political: BIMSTEC focuses more on practical cooperation than political dialogue, avoiding ideological entanglements.
  For example: BIMSTEC initiatives like the energy grid or coastal shipping agreements are technical, whereas SAARC struggled even on shared water treaties.
  
• Membership Size and Scope: With only seven countries, BIMSTEC is leaner and potentially more effective compared to SAARC’s broader and more complex structure.
  For example: SAARC’s 8 members include Afghanistan and Pakistan, complicating consensus, whereas BIMSTEC’s limited members enable faster decision-making.

Differences in Potential Compared to SAARC

• Geostrategic Positioning: BIMSTEC connects the Bay of Bengal littoral states, offering a strategic maritime corridor for commerce and energy flow.
  For example: The Bay of Bengal is emerging as a global trade route, making BIMSTEC critical for regional economic integration and maritime security.
  
• Economic Complementarities: Members have complementary economies India’s size, Thailand’s industry, Bangladesh’s textiles enabling mutually beneficial trade expansion.
  For example: India-Bangladesh trade crossed USD 18 billion in 2022, showing the region’s potential for deeper economic interdependence.
  
• Focus on Connectivity: BIMSTEC prioritizes physical and digital connectivity, unlike SAARC which often lacked execution on cross-border infrastructure.
  For example: The BIMSTEC Master Plan for Transport Connectivity aims to link ports, roads, and railways across the region by 2030.
  
• Shared Regional Goals: BIMSTEC nations have shown interest in collective disaster management, climate resilience, and renewable energy adoption.
  For example: A BIMSTEC centre for weather and climate services is under development to address regional climate vulnerabilities and natural disasters.
  
• Scope for Sub-regionalism: BIMSTEC allows for flexible cooperation, including smaller country groupings for targeted initiatives within the umbrella framework.
  For example: The BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal) Motor Vehicles Agreement, although stalled can be revived under BIMSTEC’s flexible agenda.

Way Ahead for BIMSTEC

• Institutional Strengthening: BIMSTEC must establish a permanent secretariat with adequate resources to coordinate and implement decisions efficiently.
  
• Time-bound Targets: Setting clear deadlines for flagship initiatives will ensure accountability and sustained political momentum.
  
• Civil Society Engagement: BIMSTEC should involve think tanks, media, and academia to generate awareness and policy innovation from the grassroots.
  
• Political Will: Member states must depoliticize regional issues, focusing on development and cooperation rather than nationalism or rhetoric.
  
• Leverage India’s Leadership: As the largest economy, India must act as a facilitator, not hegemon, promoting consensus and capacity-building.

Its latent potential can be unlocked with a sector-driven approach that prioritizes connectivity, security, and economic integration. BIMSTEC will develop into a robust, action-oriented platform for regional prosperity with the support of strengthened institutional mechanisms and depoliticized agendas.

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